Finishing the scapegoat of Afrikaners in the middle of corruption ANC

Afrikaner contributions shape their economic trunk network, physical infrastructure and cultural tapestry. Leaving the Dutch, French, Swedish and German settlers in the seventeenth century, they were pioneers in agricultural systems, such as the wheat and wine industries, which fed growth in growth and built industrial centers that stimulated modernization.[1]In the twentieth century, Afrikaner ingenuity had put railroads, undermined and erected cities, creating jobs and wealth that undulating in the communities.[2] However, under the government of the African National Congress (ANC) since 1994, this legacy has been eclipsed by a vilipendian campaign. Afrikaners are chosen as scapegoats for a nation that fashed under systemic failures: failures driven by their actions but by decades of corruption, poor management and state capture.[3]South Africa today supports an unemployment rate of 34.4%, a murder rate of 45 per 100,000 (among the highest in the world) and infrastructure so broken that energy cuts cost 5% of GDP annually.[4][5] These crises date back to governance collapses, personified by the Gupta issue, where billions were looted from state coffers, leaving public services in Jirones.[6]Instead of facing these self -inflicted wounds, the ANC has often indicated the fingers to Afrikaners, framing them as the root of persistent difficulties. This narrative, far from joining the nation, endangers Afrikaner communities, erodes their rights to security and equality, and darkens the true threat: a corrupt elite that is being scared to South Africa from the inside.

An enemy manufactured in the midst of systemic corruption

The ANC has cultivated a generalized narrative that paints Afrikaners as perpetual oppressors, a amplified tactic through political speeches, media controlled by the State and even school curricula that emphasizes the sins of the apartheid while accompanying a broader historical context.[7]This strategy, critics argue, serves to unify the basis of the ANC when gathering against a common «enemy», diverting the scrutiny of their own failures.[8] Julius Malema, leader of the combatants of Economic Freedom (EFF), an Occasional Anc ally, has fueled these flames with rhetoric such as «killing the Boer», did not rule the hate speech in 2022, but widely seen as a call to remuneration for reconciliation.[9]These statements resonate in a country where corruption has metastasis under the ANC government, evolving the graft less than a sophisticated bribery system, tender fraud and sponsorship. The 2024 International Transparency Corruption Perceptions Index obtains the South Africa Index in a sad 43 out of 100, a strong fall of 56 in 1996, which reflects a public sector full of embezzlement.[10]The report of the General Auditor 2023/24 discovered R14 billion in the irregular municipal spending, much of it, it cannot be ridiculous, while the policy of deployment of Cuadros del ANC, which applies loyal in key positions, has been legally confirmed but condemned by incompetence and corruption of breeding.[11][12] In this context, Afrikaners face tangible consequences:

Racial violence

Agricultural attacks, a gloomy distinctive seal of rural insecurity, disproportionately attack Afrikaner farmers, with more than 1,800 incidents registered between 2012 and 2018, many that involve torture or murder.[13] Human Rights Watch points out that these attacks often receive a warm police response, a gap linked to the budget cuts driven by corruption that have reduced rural surveillance since 2015.[14] Only in 2023, the Transvaal Agricultural Union reported 50 murders on the farm, with only 5% of the cases resolved, feeding the perceptions of selective negligence.[15]

Economic discrimination

Black Economic Empowerment Policies (BEE), designed to repair the inequities of apartheid, have transformed into exclusion tools, prohibit Afrikaners from jobs, contracts and tenders.[16] A 2019 study conducted by Anthea Jeffery discovered that the fulfillment of bees often favors the elites connected to ANC, leaving aside the qualified Afrikaners and promoting professionals abroad, which makes the chrononism that defines the capture of the state.[17] By 2024, the «brain drainage» of South Africa saw 20% of its engineers, many Afrikaner, emigrate since 2010.[18]

Political marginalization

The Afrikaners, once central to the Government, are now politically marginalized, their silenced voices in a Parliament dominated by ANC and EFF Rateric. The deployment of Cuadros del ANC has filled great companies and agencies with loyal, not meritocrats, leaving Afrikaner perspectives, rooted in their history of construction of the nation, not substitute.[19][20] In 2024, the Afrikaner representation in the cabinet reached a minimum after 2%apartheid, a marked contrast with its population participation of 8.4%.[21]

The truth: corruption, not Afrikaners, is the enemy

Afrikaners are not the adversaries of South Africa progress. From the paths of the Great Trek oxen car to the industrial boom of the twentieth century, they designed systems that used millions and fed the nation, not so much.[22] Today, many Afrikaners defend meritocracy, innovation and community resilience, values ​​that could take South Africa out of their mud. However, his contributions drown by a narrative that reduces his story to guilt, ignoring the complexity of a shared past.[23]The true enemy is the corruption of the ANC, which has bled to the dry nation while blaming a convenient objective. The state capture, reached under the presidency of Jacob Zuma (2009–2018), saw the GUPTA family and the ANC insiders loot R100–150 billion state entities such as Eskom, Transnet and Denel.[24]The 2016 capture status report detailed how those appointed from Zuma, such as Mosebenzi Zwane as Minister of Mineral Resources, contracts were handled to favor the mining interests of GUPTA, costing Eskom R57 billion in expensive coal agreements alone.[25] The «Gupta leaks» of 2017 presented the payments to the son of Zuma Duduzane and the ANC officials, consolidating a network that prioritized the profits on the public good.[26]This looting, not Afrikaner farmers, triggered the load grower that darkened houses, closed factories and reduced GDP, with citizens who paid inflated rates to compensate for losses.[27] The economist Iraj Abediano estimates that the capture of the state cost the economy R1.5 billion for a decade.[28]

Key scandals that feed the crisis

Gupta Scandal (2010–2018): The Guptas orchestrated a looting empire, influence the selection of the cabinet and obtained R54 billion in manipulated transnet locomotive agreements, with R16 billion backed away from the Shell companies.[29] Its reach drained the empanadas, leaving the Railroad and Energy systems of South Africa to the edge.[30]Eskom collapse: By 2020, Eskom had lost R203 billion per graft, including R500 million paid in excess of GUPTA companies for lower coal.[31] The energy cuts reached stage 8 by 2023, small devastating companies, many of the two, and deepening unemployment.[32]Weapons Defilization (1999): The early corruption of the ANC saw R1 billion in bribes of a defense agreement of $ 4.8 billion, implying Zuma and establishing a tone of impunity that persists, their positions are only partially resolved by 2024.[33]COVID-19 fraud (2020): In the midst of a global crisis, R500 million in aid funds disappeared in ghost companies linked to the provincial leaders of the ANC, discovered by the Special Research Unit, demonstrating the tenacity of corruption even under the era of the «reform» of Ramaphosa.[34]

Confronting corruption

The future of South Africa depends on unity, safety and prosperity, not the division fueled by scapegoat or protected by corruption. Afrikaners deserve the freedom of violence, economic exclusion and without foundation, as well as all South Africans deserve a government that serves instead of robberies. The Zondo Commission (2018–2022) exposed more than 200 culprits in a 5,000 -page report, but by March 2025, only 34 sentences have materialized: Zuma’s trials were bogged down, the ANC still stained by R10 million in 2014 GUPTA electoral funds.[35][36]The reform of President Cyril Ramaphosa is emptied against internal resistance, despite the 2024 electoral sliding of the ANC at 40.2%, which forces a coalition with the Democratic Alliance (DA).[37]Public confidence is frayed: the 2024 data of the Afrobarometer show that 68% distrust the ANC in corruption, below 72% in 2023, hinting up cautious optimism in this change of coalition.[38]The betrayal of the ANC of all its ideal assumptions, roots in power and factionalism without control, the responsibility of the demands. The dismantling of corrupt networks that drain South Africa are non -negotiable steps towards justice. The only viable system is one that supports the truth, rewards merit and covers all its people, including the following.References

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